9 Feb 2016

[AfricaRealities.com] RWANDA-INGABIRE UMUHOZA VICTOIRE’S CASE BEFORE THE AFRICAN COURT ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES’ RIGHTS: A HEADACHE FOR THE RWANDAN GOVERNMENT

 


RWANDA-INGABIRE UMUHOZA VICTOIRE'S CASE BEFORE THE AFRICAN COURT ON HUMAN AND PEOPLES' RIGHTS: A HEADACHE FOR THE RWANDAN GOVERNMENT

Mrs. Ingabire Umuhoza Victoire, Chair of UDF-INKINGI opposition political party in Rwanda, detained in Kigali central prison, is to appear before The African Court on Human and Peoples' Rights in Arusha, on March 4th, 2016. In the meantime, the government of Rwanda, which is a party to trial, is subjecting her to various forms of inhumane and degrading treatment as if to break her morale and make it hard to prepare her case properly.

Since Friday, February 5, 2016, the prison management has once again refused to allow her lawyer GATERA Gashabana to meet her in order to prepare her case.

We would like to recall that since Friday, January 29, 2016, theprison management has reduced the number of people who can visit her from 5 to one person per week. This limitation applies to her only.

On November 30th, 2015, her lawyer GATERA Gashabana, asked the President of the Kigali Bar Association to intervene and ask the Rwandan government to stop all the inhumane and degrading treatment of his client. Nothing has been done so far. In the opinion of lawyer Gatera, the molestation including the search of the lawyer and the reading of his legal notes constitute an unacceptable breach of international principles and rules protecting the legal profession.

Further to the first refusal of lawyer Gashabana's visit, the conditions of detention of political prisoner Ms. Victoire Ingabire has deteriorated, this includes, painting black the windows of her prison cell in order to stop any natural light filtering into the cell, a vicious measure that we fear could lead to blindness.

While for medical reasons, her meal is brought in from outside the detention facility, the prison management has begun to systematically search the food brought by relatives of Mrs. Victoire Ingabire. Thus, in the process of checking the food under the pretext of looking for weapons or other prohibited items, a prison management official has systematically turns the food around in the container in a way that could make it look unpalatable to her, ostensibly to humiliate her and break her morale.

The paroxysm of the persecution is now the downright refusal of any contact between Mrs. Victoire Ingabire Umuhoza and her lawyer. The UDF- Inkingi sends an SOS message to governments, friends of the people of Rwanda and human rights organizations to:

-        Remind the inalienable and sacred right to a fair trial;

-        Remind the Government of Rwanda of its obligations regarding the treatment of prisoners;

-        Denounce human rights violations suffered by Mrs. Victoire Ingabire;

-        Remind the Rwandan government of its obligation to transport the complainant before her judges to Arusha in the best possible conditions;

-        Remind the Government of Rwanda the absolute right of Mrs. Ingabire to meet and work with her defense team on her case;

-        Support the appeal of FDU-Inkingi to the Commission of the African Union to take into account the obstacles that the Rwandan government imposes the proper judicial process.

Done in London, February 9th, 2016

Justin Bahunga

Commission for External Relations and Spokesperson FDU-Inkingi

jbahunga@yahoo.co.uk

VIU-CADH.Tracasseries-ENd


###
"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
###

__._,_.___

Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

-----------------------------------------------------------
Post message:  AfricaRealities@yahoogroups.com
Subscribe: AfricaRealities-subscribe@yahoogroups.com
Unsubscribe: AfricaRealities-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
List owner: AfricaRealities-owner@yahoogroups.com
__________________________________________________________________

Please consider the environment before printing this email or any attachments.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-http://www.africarealities.com/
-https://www.facebook.com/africarealities
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Find  Friends in Africa:
http://www.datinginafrica.com/

.

__,_._,___

[AfricaRealities.com] Rwanda : Rwandan agricultural policies hurting the poorest of the poor: study

 

Rwanda :  Rwandan agricultural policies hurting the poorest of the poor: study

08 FEBRUARY 2016
Farmers in western Rwanda suffer under mono-cropping policies imposed by the Rwandan government
Dr Neil Dawson

A new study of smallholder farmers in western Rwanda says the country's agricultural policy has failed the poorest farmers, making them adapt to government policies, such as mono-cropping, or being forced to sell their land. Some 85 per cent of Rwandans work in the agriculture sector. RFI spoke to study author Dr Neil Dawson from the University of East Anglia, to find out how the Rwandan government's much-lauded agricultural policy hurts the poorest.

By Laura Angela Bagnetto 

Your study, Green Revolution is sub-Saharan Africa: Implications of Imposed Innovation for the Wellbeing of Rural Smallholders focuses on northwestern Rwanda. According to your study the Rwandan policies that are responsible for creating a viable agricultural society are actually bringing Rwandans down regarding socio-economic growth, culture and even well-being. Can you share some of this with us?

These policies have major implications for smallholder farmers across Africa. They have the potential to benefit the farmers of course, but the results of our study also show that there's also the potential for negative implications as well. Really, the clue is in the title. These policies are called Green Revolution policies and they do promote revolution in the way that farmers use their land and the way they produce food. And to do that the strategy involves farming crops of approved seeds of a small number of crops that are economically viable and that there are markets for. They are also using chemical fertilizers to support using the growth of those crops. That involves risk for certain people. Some people are able to improve their income substantially. In our study, a third of the participants were able to do that, and they were primarily the wealthier participants. So changing agricultural practice for the poorer farmers involves taking on particular risks. You may have to take credit to use the fertilizers, and so you have to be confident at the end of the season that you can pay that money back, and also in the meantime that you are able to find enough food to feed your family. With that risk, it means that many farmers, instead of taking part in the scheme, end of having to sell their land, because it doesn't work for them.

One of the issues in your piece is the lack of autonomy by this government because of imposing what crops to grow, or even only one crop to grow that actually leads to less of a feeling of well-being and nutrition problems for smallholder farmers.

Certainly in many countries these policies are being promoted and they provide choice to farmers so they can continue their traditional farming methods or they can choose to take on these modern methods as well. But in countries like Rwanda, that change is not only promoted, but imposed on people. So even if you think that growing maize or wheat is not suitable for your soil or your land, or that you have other priorities that you need to feed your family and grow a variety of other crops, you have no choice to do that, so you have to take that risk. The policies are often assessed as being successful, based on a very limited assessment criteria. And what this study shows is that we need to scrutinize these policies much more, and have a look at the potential negative outcomes of them in order to be able to refine the policies, to improve them, and to mitigate against some of these potential costs. Because where the policies are imposed, in a very top-down manner, and farmers haven't really been consulted in the way they have been designed, that kind of thinking really needs to be brought into improving the way that they run.


The newer ways of thinking in terms of smallholder farmers is actually to speak to farmers, to consult with farmers, to find out what their results have been in the past. But the way the Rwandan government is structuring their agricultural policy is basically imposed on these people and you have some have some actual interviews within your article.


The policies are commonly assessed using economic data that the government collects, so a lot of the policies across sub-Saharan Africa are shown as being successful on the fact that these limited number of crops they yield in product ion is increasing ten-fold, twenty-fold. And that's to be expected. Also, they show that perhaps on average the incomes of farmers are increasing. But, what we've done is look in a more exploratory way at the kinds of impacts, the broad range of impacts that farmers might suffer so we've used the smaller sample size, we had around 200 households that we spoke to and looked at the impact upon them. For a third of these households, they were having benefits and people complied with them, and their incomes were improving substantially. But for many of the other households, and particularly the poorest, their situation was deteriorating. Many of them were losing their land, partly because of these policies.


And one of the policies you point out is those who are required to grow tea. In your study, you interviewed people who had a hard time with growing tea because they couldn't feed themselves. 


Yes, certainly, particularly where a cash crop is involved, a non-edible crop such as tea. And that has an even greater risk. Tea takes three-to-four years before you can harvest it and get any income from it. So the scheme involves those households taking on a lot of credits in the meantime. So they provide funds to them to manage the land. By the time they get the first harvest, they're in considerable debt. And for many, even from the outset, they will choose to sell their land, partly because of the risk. In Rwanda, if the farmer is not successful in managing their land with the new crop, a landlord has been introduced to show that the government has ultimate control over that land and they can choose to allocate that land to another, wealthier farmer instead. And perhaps there will be a risk of not being compensated by the government, so many people choose to sell it before that comes. Certainly in interviews people would say, "The tea is coming, we know it's coming to our land. We could be evicted at any moment." So they see it as a considerable risk.


In your report, you said that more than half of landless labourers (those who sold their land or the indigenous Twa people) fail to afford health insurance, despite nearly a third of households in that category being paid for by government or donors. So these are people who have fallen by the cracks even by their own government. 


Again, that's another policy where people need to pay to participate in. Universal health insurance is promoted, and government and other donors do pay for some of the poorest. But the year that we did the study the price of the health insurance had tripled, for example, and there were some prohibitive parts to that policy, whereby nobody within a household could be seen by a health professional unless everybody in that household had paid their health insurance. Even if they paid for one person and they were sick. Some of these policies do require quite a lot of investment from people to take part in.


Are you saying that basically the governments need to look at all aspects when they are creating this agricultural policy, from, as you said, the poorest of the poor? How would you characterize what needs to be done?


Some of these policies can have potential negative impacts. It's not just like a development policy where you're providing this mosquito net to people to combat malaria. They get something for free, it doesn't really impact the way they live their lives. Where policies hold risk is where they can have impacts on the poor. They need to be assessed and scrutinized very carefully so that they can understand why they may not be benefitting, or even negatively impacting people, so they can be refined and improved. That's normal, no policy is perfect. Really, it's understanding and putting accountability onto the policies and the people, that the powerful organizations in the case of these agricultural policies who are promoting these as the major strategies to combat hunger and poverty.


###
"Hate Cannot Drive Out Hate. Only Love Can Do That", Dr. Martin Luther King.
###

__._,_.___

Posted by: Nzinink <nzinink@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

-----------------------------------------------------------
Post message:  AfricaRealities@yahoogroups.com
Subscribe: AfricaRealities-subscribe@yahoogroups.com
Unsubscribe: AfricaRealities-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
List owner: AfricaRealities-owner@yahoogroups.com
__________________________________________________________________

Please consider the environment before printing this email or any attachments.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-http://www.africarealities.com/
-https://www.facebook.com/africarealities
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Find  Friends in Africa:
http://www.datinginafrica.com/

.

__,_._,___

6 Feb 2016

[AfricaRealities.com] Fw: *DHR* A rational inquiry into the ”Tutsi Genocide” and its declining currency as an export | By Didas Gasana, journalist

 




On Wednesday, 3 February 2016, 14:12, "itwagira71 itwagira71@gmail.com [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> wrote:


 
A rational inquiry into the "Tutsi Genocide" and its declining currency as an export | By Didas Gasana, journalist 

http://www.therwandan.com/blog/a-rational-inquiry-into-the-tutsi-genocide-and-its-declining-currency-as-an-export/


A rational inquiry into the "Tutsi Genocide" and its declining currency as an export

Didas-Gasana
February 3, 2016 09:22   Analysis
Something of fundamental importance happened last week in the Ethiopian capital Addis Abbeba. At the AU summit of heads of states, the AU peace and security commission's proposal to send AU peace keepers to Burundi was unwelcome. That's the basic message. But beneath the rejection lies a hidden message- that the world is waking up to the commercialization and politicization of a legal term "genocide". This, assuming you know what underpinned the clamor for AU peacekeepers in Burundi, which has been aptly explained on this forum.
At the center of the trajectory lies a debate- and consequent exporting of it, of a genocide- central of which is what has been referred to as the "Tutsi genocide" of 1994. After the military 1 and 11 trials at the ICTR and the BBC's untold story, the rejection of the AU PSC's proposal is yet another indictment of people benefitting from the genocide currency.
In my earlier submissions, i presented a lot of legal literature on why the events of 1994 leave grey areas subject to a rational, legal inquiry. In this note, I intend to examine the events of 1994 from the RPA/F point of view.
To get to this; we need to examine the character of the RPA from the onset of the invasion. It is almost a "judicial notice" that prior to RPA invasion, there was already deadly intrigue within the military ranks of the RPF Tutsi exile community in Uganda. It was clan rivalry that would result in the murder of the first commander, Major General Fred Rwigyema at the hands of Maj. Dr. Peter Bayingana and Maj. Chris Bunyenyezi. Why is this important? It is important because, as my good friend Kalyegira put it, if there was this level of bad blood and struggle for power within the RPF and it could result in the murder of their overall commander so soon into the war, what havoc would these ruthless men inflict on the Hutu civilians they encountered in villages as they made their way into Rwanda after October 1990?
When the RPA invaded Rwanda, they made their rationale very clear. Reported the Uganda government-owned newspaper, the New Vision: "The force which invaded Rwanda on Monday [Oct. 1, 1990] has the prime aim of overthrowing the government of President Juvenal Habyarimana…They say they are not planning an immediate overthrow but a prolonged struggle which would mobilise the people…The RPF has an 8-point programme calling for, among other things, national unity, democracy, a self-sustaining economy and an end to corruption…They said they had no plans as to who should be Rwanda's president and that the 'people will choose". The RPA further said they were prepared for a protracted war: 'We don't mind about speed, we mind about getting to the people'" (New Vision, Oct. 4, 1990, p.1, 12).
That was their first formal statement. Even the pro-RPF New Vision admitted that "its aim is to overthrow the government of President Juvenal Habyarimana." There was no mention or allegation that the Habyarimana regime was massacring or planning to massacre the Tutsi. From there, we realize that had the RPF surely uncovered any plan by Habyarimana to exterminate the Tutsi, it would have been the number one point among the eight. Yet here was the summary of the RPF's philosophy and goals and there was no single point on averting a genocide or even anything remotely to do with human rights.
Where then does genocide and death at a grisly, monumental level start, since we now know that at the time the RPF invaded Rwanda, there was no plan by the Hutu to massacre the Tutsi? Asks Kalyegira?
In late April 1994, a Kampala radio station, 91.3 Capital FM invited the long-serving Rwandese ambassador to Uganda, Claver Kanyarusoke as a guest on their Sunday evening programme, Desert Island Discs. Kanyarusoke, a Hutu, arrived on a Thursday afternoon for the recording, dressed in a dark brown business suit. At the time, the Rwanda genocide was underway and bodies were floating down the River Kagera from Rwanda into Lake Victoria in Uganda and during the interview, William Pike, then New Vision MD and co-Managing Editor of 91.3 Capital FM, asked Kanyarusoke to explain the massacre of innocent Tutsi civilians.
Kanyarusoke reminded Pike that under the 1993 Arusha peace accords between the Habyarimana government and the RPF guerrillas, Rwanda had been divided into two geographical areas of control, one for the Tutsi and the other for the Hutu. Since the world believed that the Tutsi-dominated RPF was a both a strong and disciplined force, fully in control of its area, Kanyarusoke asked, how were we to explain the fact that all the bodies floating down the river, without exception, were from the RPF-controlled region of Rwanda?
What happened in April 1994?
Stephen Kinzer, in his book about Rwandan President Paul Kagame, writes that the Habyarimana regime started killing opposition members and presumed RPA sympathizers; indiscriminately. May be or may be not. But the truth of the matter is that in early 1994, as Kalyegira aptly puts it, Kigali saw a sudden rise in violence and insecurity, with many people being killed. Leaders of the opposition Social Democrat Party and Liberal Party, as well as 2,300 other people, were gunned down in the months before April 6, 1994.
The Ugandan newspsper, The Monitor published an interview on March 25, 1994, with Justin Bahunga, who was the Second Counsel at the Rwanda Embassy in Kampala. Bahunga's answers give us a clue to what the world might be missing as to what happened in 1994. "In whose interests would the government of Habyarimana cause insecurity in Kigali"?
Bahunga further added: "If you want to rule, you can't rule by insecurity…So the only person who can cause insecurity is the one who wants to make a government fail."Less than two weeks later, President Habyarimana was dead in an assassination after a surface-to-air missile was fired on the presidential jet. Fighting broke out in Kigali and in many other parts of Rwanda.
Let us read the news reports of the time, starting with the French news agency AFP, in a report from Kigali by Annie Thomas: "Wednesday 13 April 1994, KIGALI – Tutsi rebels fought their way into the Rwandan capital yesterday, sending the government, foreigners and thousands of residents fleeing in fear of a new wave of tribal bloodletting. Below is the whole story:
Intense fighting rocked several parts of the city.
The Hutu-dominated interim government fled its headquarters in the Hotel des Diplomates in the city centre 'for a more secure place', a Rwandan soldier in the hotel said. Unconfirmed reports said the week-old government had moved to the town of Gitarama, south-west of the city. As the rebels closed, residents emerged from hiding and tried to escape an expected wave of revenge killings by the Tutsi forces. 'It's going to be carnage,' predicted a Nairobi-based Rwandan diplomat.
The last foreign residents seeking to leave the city were escorted to the airport by French and Belgian paratroopers. France, Russia, Germany and the United States said they had evacuated virtually all their nationals from Kigali.
In Kampala, Christine Umutoni, spokeswoman for the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), said its forces had entered Kigali and were about to join a battalion of 600 fellow rebels camped outside the city under a UN-sponsored peace plan approved by the government and the rebels in August.
She said RPF forces were awaiting instructions to seize the capital, where she said 'government forces had dispersed, many of them surrendering with their arms to the RPF'. The rebels' entry into the city was later confirmed by the UN in New York.
The RPF has around 20,000 soldiers, against an estimated 30,000 government troops. RPF radio said advancing rebel forces had signed an agreement with UN officials yesterday guaranteeing the evacuation of foreign nationals."At this juncture, we pause to reflect.
Over the years, President Paul Kagame has railed against the UN and the world community for failing Rwanda in its time of great danger. "Where was the UN?" is a refrain we have heard countless times from Kagame in person and many of the top RPF leadership over the last 15 years.
…………………………………End of the story…………………………………………..
We now see, in the report, that the RPF's own radio station broadcast a news item saying they had "signed an agreement with UN officials yesterday guaranteeing the evacuation of foreign nationals." The UN was cooperating with the RPF, not standing by indifferently as we have been told.
Secondly, the first paragraph of this AFP report states that "Tutsi rebels fought their way into the Rwandan capital yesterday, sending the government, foreigners and thousands of residents fleeing in fear of a new wave of tribal bloodletting."In other words, as the RPF advanced on Kigali, the former Habyarimana government fled. The second paragraph shows the government, still in disarray, fleeing to a "more secure place."
Clearly the RPF was in a stronger position and was rapidly gaining the upper hand in the days following Habyarimana's assassination.Thirdly, the AFP report said "In Kampala, Christine Umutoni, spokeswoman for the Rwandan Patriotic Front (RPF), said its forces had entered Kigali and were about to join a battalion of 600 fellow rebels camped outside the city…" The RPF was in Kigali, according to its spokeswoman, within a week of Habyarimanas death.
These news reports were written in the fast-moving atmosphere of the day, and so nobody can claim that because the AFP is a French state news agency, it was somehow doctoring its reports. However, just in case some detractors might dismiss the AFP report, is there any other we can turn to for an alternative angle to this story? Indeed there is.
The Monitor, founded by Kevin Aliro, Wafula Oguttu, James Serugo, Teddy Seezi Cheeye, Richard Tebere, Davi Ouma Balikowa, and Charles Onyango-Obbo was a decidedly pro-RPF Kampala newspaper. There can be no question about it for those who know its history.
Certainly there was a pro-RPF mood in Uganda in 1994, especially in central and western Uganda. So we can now go to a lead story in The Monitor of April 12, 1994, just six days after the shooting down of the Habyarimana plane. The story was written by Monitor reporters Steven Shalita and Dismas Nkunda:
…………………………..the he story here………………………….
"As the looting, indiscriminate killing by the Presidential Guard, regular troops and rampaging Hutu vigilantes went from bad to worse, there were indications that Kigali is about to fall to the rebel Rwanda Patriotic Army (RPA).
Information reaching The Monitor from Kigali said an advance RPA force which had been infiltrated into the capital earlier were poised to take the Post Office and the Central Bank…The RPA, which said it was going into the city to restore order and rescue the battalion of its 600 soldiers who had gone into Kigali as part of the peace process, had ben giving out a call for all foreigners to leave within 12 hours if they could…
Truckloads of reinforcements for RPA rebels could be seen moving to Kigali from their northern stronghold.
By day break [April 11] RPA had easy prey of the Rwanda army. The RPA commander-in-chief Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame told Voice of America (VOA) that his troops had overrun government positions in Mutara, formerly a stronghold for the government forces…
In another interview with the BBC Swahili, Maj. Gen. Kagame boasted 'We are in Kigali and we have had very little resistance to get here.'
Hundreds of Rwanda government forces are said to be deserting to the RPA to secure positions in the subsequent government when the RPA topples the current interim government under the leadership of Theodore Sindikubwabo which was installed a few days ago. A member of the RPF Poliical Bureau (Maj.) Christine Umutoni yesterday told journalists at Speke Hotel [in Kampala] that the RPA will advance to 'crush' any forces which stand in defence of the 'hoax government' headed by Theodore Sindikubwabo, whether thos forces are local or foreign.
"If any foreign force comes our way, while we are advancing, we shall regard them as the enemy,' she said. 'We are going to crush them." Though Umutoni could not commit herself to actual distances, she said the RPA forces are 'very, very close.' So far, RPA has faced minimal resistance and has reported 3 casualties and no deaths.
Reports from Kigali say that rampant massacres by Habyarimana loyalists have narrowed to specific targets, killing whole families of people opposed to their government. The targets include nearly every Tutsi and what has been described as 'moderate Hutus.' Umutoni however told journalists that Kigali remains a horror town and condemned the United Nations for their passive role. 'The situation about massacres in Kigali now is very horrific,' she said. 'The UN has failed to control the situation.' Maj. Umutoni boasted that the RPA had been capable of taking power as far back as February 8. 'It was capable long ago…even February 8 when we were 30km from the town [Kigali].
Umutoni said the RPA was recruiting several more forces as it advanced to beef up its more than 20,000 strong man army. Commenting on the military strength of the RPA, she said their main source of armament is the Rwandese forces. "Habyarimana has always been our quarter master. Even now we are going to use those very weapons he bought."
Once again, we stop and reflect on this story by the Monitor. It is even more revealing than the AFP story.
The reports by AFP and the Monitor showed :
1) The RPF in a position of increasing strength, advancing on Kigali and at various stages of taking control or having already taken control.
2) Hutu government troops either fleeing or surrendering to the RPF and the government in disarray.
The RPF is reported to be at 20,000-strong while the rapidly crumbling government army, the FAR, is at 30,000, so the two armies are at nearly the same strength.
We see, in fact, Christine Umutoni, the RPF spokesperson, "boasting" that the RPF was in a position to capture Kigali as far back as February 1994.
Take a careful look at this Monitor news story: "The overall RPF/RPA commander, Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame talks of the RPF overrunning government bases and positions and, according to the Monitor, boasting to the BBC World Service Kiswahili service that (in his own words) "We are in Kigali and we have had very little resistance to get here."And then, we have the strange turnabout from Umutoni.
She was the first RPF official to accuse the UN of doing nothing, and yet all other reports, including one by the RPF's own radio, were speaking of an agreement between the RPF and the UN to ease the humanitarian crisis. Umutoni's comments at Speke Hotel in Kampala were the first indications of the dishonesty of the RPF. This is why it is so important for research and investigation to become a part of our societies. So much history is distorted and allowed to remain so, because we are not bothered about re-reading and re-searching what we have been told.
Having now seen, both from the AFP and the pro-RPF Monitor, that the RPF was in a position of rising strength and the remnant of the Habyarimana army and government was in disarray and either fleeing or surrendering, we come to the all-important question: What then happened? Remember, the RPF stalwarts Gerald Gahima and Claude Dusaidi had just penned an ultimatum to the UN with a clear threat: There are no Tutsis left to save and there is no need for additional UNAMIR troops to Rwanda (this writer is in possession of their letter to that effect).
It is clear that the RPF was in control, or gaining control, of Kigali and other towns and was unchallenged by the fleeing FAR government army. If, as we have seen too, the Hutu-dominated government was fleeing Kigali, the army also fleeing or surrendering, how then was this government, falling apart and fleeing, able to orchestrate a genocide that claimed more than 800,000 lives, with the 20,000-man RPF army in control or about to be, but not doing anything about it?
If Christine Umutoni told that Speke Hotel press conference that the RPF was strong enough to take power as far back as Feb. 8, 1994, what then prevented the RPA from stopping the genocide, if, as they claim, they knew of a plan by Habyarimana to exterminate the Tutsi minority? The answer begins to appear when we go to the next news excerpt from 1994.
Here once again is the The Monitor's lead story in its April 15, 1994 edition, headlined: "RPA in trouble?", written by Steven Shalita and Dismas Nkunda:
————————————–The story by The pro-RPF Monitor——————————–
"What is happening? Eleven days have gone and Rwandese Patriotic Army (RPA) is still in a bloody battle with Rwandese government troops for Kigali."
Parts of the Rwandese capital remain in the hands of The Presidential Guard, regular troops and paramilitary forces to former president Juvenal Habyarimana who was assassinated in a rocket attack on his plane April 6…Anxiety has gripped supporters of the RPA/F cause who view their 'delay' to capture Kigali as a sign of trouble.
On Wednesday afternoon an RPF official told a Monitor reporter at Mulindi, the RPF headquarters, that Kigali would fall in 12 hours, but it did not happen. The rebels have besieged Kigali for almost a week now but have failed to take full control.
There is an estimated force of 18,000 RPA men laying siege to Kigali on three fronts. Latest reports say that some strategic hills around Kigali such as Nyamirambo, are in the hands of RPF.
According to a military analyst, the RPF is being cautious about destroying down-town Kigali. The Monitor was told that RPA was surrounding Kigali leaving only one outlet through Gitarama that could be used by fleeing soldiers.
RPF spokesman Shaban Rutayisire told the journalist at Mulindi that "It is a question of time and tactics so that we rout the murderous Rwanda army." 'The puzzlement that Kigali has not fallen is only deepened, because the entire interim cabinet fled Kigali on Tuesday. Interim President Theodore Sindikubwabo and 19 of his ministers fled to Gitarama, 50km, south west of Kigali.
A Uganda military expert told The Monitor yesterday that with the murders of civilians estimated about 20,000 so far, most of them suspected to be pro-RPF and Tutsi, RPA has a political obligation to go in to stop the bloodletting…
Another source watching developments said "The RPA was militarily ready to enter Kigali and there is no doubt they will win the fight within the week, but they were not politically ready.
But, on the face of it, the death of Habyarimana and the blood that flowed the Kigali streets was an 'opportune time' for the RPF to enter Kigali.
He said that while RPA had support, it was not clear whether they had the majority of the people on their side; and now that they were bogged down in Kigali, the Hutu hardliners have been given time to mobilise the people with fears of Tutsi massacring them."
There we have it. The story of the 1994 Rwandan genocide, in crystal clear light at last. There is no question that the RPF held the upper hand militarily by the beginning of 1994.
That much Christine Umutoni was able to tell a public press conference at Kampala's Speke Hotel. And in case we might want to dismiss her observation as that from a junior official, we have Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame's own direct and unambiguous words to the BBC Kiswahili service that "'We are in Kigali and we have had very little resistance to get here.
"Crucially, according to this Monitor news report, the RPF was so comfortably in control of Kigali a week after Habyarimana's death that they even left the road to Gitarama open so that it "could be used by fleeing soldiers."
Far from the FAR government army embarking on a mass murder of Tutsi, they were fleeing Kigali, as we have already seen and, in fact, even being helped by the RPF to escape. The comments by the Ugandan military expert to the Monitor fill in all the remaining blanks.
Here is the critical passage in the story by the Monitor on April 15, 1994: "Another source watching developments said 'The RPA was militarily ready to enter Kigali and there is no doubt they will win the fight within the week, but they were not politically ready.'
But, on the face of it, the death of Habyarimana and the blood that flowed the Kigali streets was an 'opportune time' for the RPF to enter Kigali.
He said that while RPA had support, it was not clear whether they had the majority of the people on their side…"It confirms that the RPF was militarily victorious but, being a minority ethnic group, moreover from a foreign, English-speaking country Uganda, they could have walked into Kigali, taken control, but how would they have governed politically?
They had to develop their political standing. How? By resorting to the sinister tactics their mentor President Yoweri Museveni had employed so successfully in Luwero in central Uganda — commit atrocities against the population and then blame them on your adversary and by that make the population believe it was your enemy who carried out the massacre, so that you gain the population's support, some have argued.
And they are not entirely wrong. Many a times have I expounded Yoweri Museveni's under-graduate thesis at the university of Dar-El-Salaam where he dwelt on Franz Fanon's theory of violence. If you have been following, then you know what is being talked about here.
Enter Museveni Yoweri- The mentor
A simple question can answer all this: If Museveni used the tactics of causing havoc in Luwero, dressing his NRA men up in UNLA uniform, in order to convince the population that it was the UNLA killing them, and it worked, leading many Baganda to support the NRA, and we read that Paul Kagame was deeply influenced by the tactics and success of the NRA in Luwero, would the RPF, made up of commanders who had served under Museveni in Luwero, not resort to the tactics they had seen work so well in Luwero when it came to Rwanda?
Let's get a panoramic view of events: the RPF advances on Kigali and is within distance of gaining power by early February. When Habyarimana is killed on April 6, the government and the Hutu-majority army start to fall apart as the RPF rapidly moves in.
The RPF moves in, takes control or near control, then…..silence. It does nothing. It allows the Hutu soldiers to flee by way of the Kigali-Gitarama road.
It cooperates with the UN in evacuating all foreign nationals. They leave. The RPF is now in charge of Rwanda. But they sit….and do nothing.
For three months from April to July 1994, the RPF is in total charge of Rwanda, including the capital Kigali. A genocide starts to take place.
Bodies are scatterd everywhere. Tens of thousands float down the Kagera River into Uganda.
But this force of Tutsi exiles, most of them born in Uganda, away for 30 years, this force which says it knew of a plan by the Hutu government to massacre hundreds of thousands of Tutsi, is in full control of Kigali, as its own Paul Kagame and Christine Umutoni publicly boast, but it watches…and does nothing.
It is obvious, given all this evidence, given the fact that the RPF was part of the NRA that fought in the central Ugandan region of Luwero in the 1980s, that what was going on from April to July 1994 may prolly have been war crimes by the RPF against the Rwandans so as to have it blamed on the Hutu to acquire the much needed legitimacy.
Don't rush. Let us cast an eagle's eye on this.
Where have we heard of this guerrilla tactic before? Certainly in Luwero Triangle in central Uganda during the NRA war.
In the aforementioned book, A Thousand Hills: Rwanda's rebirth and the man who dreamed it, the American journalist Stephen Kinzer described Kagame's formative years as a guerrilla in Luwero:
"Central Uganda is a good place to wage guerrilla war. Its heartland, known as the Luweero Triangle, comprises 3,000 square miles of savannah and tropical forests. Enough people live there to provide a social base for rebels, but there are also vast empty areas where fighters can move and hide…This was Paul Kagame's home for five years. The way the NRA fought made a deep impression on Kagame. It decisively shaped his idea of what a guerrilla force should be and do. The lessons he learned proved invaluable to him when he began to forge, and later emerged to lead, the force that would liberate his homeland."
So if "The way the NRA fought made a deep impression on Kagame" and it "decisively shaped his idea of what a guerrilla force should be and do" and furthermore "it proved invaluable to him when he began to forge, and later emerged to lead, the force that would liberate his homeland," we must then go to Luwero to examine what these vital lessons were that left such a mark on Kagame that he would use years later in Rwanda.
For the answer to that, we go — ironically (given his fanatically pro-RPF stance) — to an interview published on April 15, 2005 in the Daily Monitor by its then Political Editor Andrew Mwenda with the former President Milton Obote as he explained the Luwero killings. Said Obote, speaking in Lusaka, Zambia in Oct. 2004:
"Museveni has for the last twenty three years [2004] fought different enemies in different parts of Uganda…In all these wars, the adversaries are different, the theatre of war different, the period different. There are only two elements that are constant: Museveni on the one hand and massive atrocities on the other….It is Museveni who employs atrocities against civilians to achieve military victory, but in a more subtle way by ensuring that his adversary instead takes blame for Museveni's atrocities."
This method of fighting, where you commit the atrocities in order to blame them and have them blamed on your adversary, was the central plank of the NRA war in Luwero.
A report on this was published by the Shariat newsletter, a Kampala publication edited in the mid 1990s by Haruna Kanaabi and the late Musa Hussein Njuki.
Said the Shariat, Jan. 24, 1995: "On 6 February, 1981, Yoweri Museveni and a gang of his Rwandese cousins launched a war on the Republic of Uganda. They knew quite well that the people of Ankole where Museveni comes from could never support them in their madness which was a result of Museveni's insatiable lust for power. They went to Luwero which was a good choice because they knew it had more Rwandese than any other part of Uganda……
A few days ago through Capital Radio's "Desert Island Program", Lt. Col. Pecos Kutesa, Museveni's aide de camp in Luwero, revealed that they killed thousands and thousands of Obote's soldiers in Luwero. It is also true that they killed thousands and thousands of non-Baganda and some Baganda who could not support them. They blew up buses killing many civilians who were passing through Luwero…
…[Museveni] kept the skulls of those he killed or caused to be killed to use in his campaigns…He knew that if he could keep on telling Baganda that the skulls are the creation of Milton Obote, he could remain a hero for as long as he showed the skulls of UNLA soldiers which he now claims to be of innocent civilians — something he calls 'heroes'".
Obote put it more succinctly to Andrew Mwenda:
"At the burial of [UPC stalwart] Adonia Tiberondwa recently [on December 28, 2004], Maj. Gen. Kahinda Otafiire, for example, revealed that the National Resistance Army rebels used to wear UPC colours and then go into villages in Luwero and kill people in order to make the people think these were actions of the UPC government. Otafiire was boasting of the "tricks" NRA employed to win support in Luwero, but was also revealing the sinister side of Museveni and his insurgents… Each time there was a reported case of mistreatment of civilians by the army, we arrested those responsible and punished them severely.
"The truth is that most of the soldiers in the army who were committing atrocities were Museveni's people. And whenever we zeroed in on them, they would run to join him in the bush in Luwero. Take the example of [Colonel] Pecos Kutesa. He had an interview with William Pike on Capital Radio in Kampala in [January] 1995 in a programme called Desert Island Discs. He told Pike that he was in UNLA but as an NRA infiltrator whose mission was to undermine the credibility of the army from within.
"Pecos Kutesa's testimony is instructive of how Museveni personally orchestrated the killings of innocent people and the harassment of civilians not just in Luwero but other parts of Uganda as well during the 1980s. His testimony is also important because it fits very well with what Otafiire and Lt. Gen. Elly Tumwine have confessed. Let us listen to Pecos Kutesa, whose interview on Capital Radio Tim has kept as evidence. He told Pike that he used to be at a roadblock in Konge. As a lieutenant, he was the man in charge of that roadblock. According to Pecos Kutesa's own testimony on Capital Radio, Konge roadblock was the most notorious in harassing civilians, robbing them of their money and killing some. Kutesa says reports reached army headquarters of his harassment of the civilians and Oyite Ojok summoned him to Kampala for disciplinary action. He ran to the bush." (Daily Monitor, April 15, 2005).
From all the above quotes, we must ask ourselves the all-important question: If this is the way Museveni's NRA conducted itself in Luwero and according to Stephen Kinzer's admiring book on Kagame, the methods of guerrilla warfare in Luwero we have just read about left a "deep impression on Kagame", is there anything more to be said about the way the RPF fought its war under the command of the now Maj. Gen. Paul Kagame between 1990 and 1994?
According to the Citizen newspaper in Jan. 1991, this is late Dec. 1990 and what do we already see, long before the 1994 genocide? Reports of bodies floating down the Kagera River from the RPF-held areas.
Why do the international media, governments, historians, the ICTR in Arusha, and others not want to listen to this side of the story? Why are the Hutu being persecuted when this report plus the one on today's cover story clearly point to who it was who orchestrated that 1990-94 genocide in order to have it blamed on the Hutu?
Keith Harmon Snow, a controversial war correspondent who has worked in 16 African countries, including conflict areas in Congo, Ethiopia, Rwanda, Uganda and Sudan and a former genocide and war crimes investigator for Genocide Watch, Survivor's Rights International and the United Nations, who has worked at the International Criminal Tribunal on Rwanda, provides an insight in his essay in Global Research:
"The New York Times led the charge into Rwanda, and the Western media continued to beat the 'Tutsis as victims' drum roll. There was, after all, a lot of money to be made. Wall Street vultures began drooling. Military and intelligence operatives like David Kimche (Israel) and Roger Winter (USA) jockeyed for position – organizing logistics, maintaining supply chains, arranging weapons shipments – to support 'our' man Kagame and our proxy guerrilla army, the RPF. The Washington Post, Boston Globe, CNN, the Observer all described the RPF guerrillas as a highly 'disciplined' army: if any woman was raped or civilian massacred, it was an accident, a rogue soldier, and said soldier would be duly punished (of course, they never were).
Continues Keith: Paul Kagame put into practice what his teachers, the military strategists at the US Army Command and Staff College, Fort Leavenworth, Kansas (USA), taught him: psychological operations and how to overthrow a country. "As the English-speaking 'Tutsis' marched into Rwanda they conscripted and lured 'Tutsi' youth to the 'freedom' cause. These were young French-speaking Tutsis who were also subjected to Kagame's ruthless modus operandi: many of them were tortured, killed, disappeared, but many survived the initiation into the RPF. Kagame and his elite Ugandan comrades didn't trust Tutsis who had stayed behind, and they clearly sacrificed the French-speaking Tutsis of Rwanda for the cause of absolute military power."
Just as Museveni had infiltrated, massacred and terrorized Uganda (1980-1985), the RPF infiltrated soldiers disguised as civilians into Hutu villages, Hutu political parties, even into Hutu youth groups organized to defend Rwanda from the invading terrorist guerrillas. While the RPF used the airwaves to terrorize the people, scapegoat and stereotype enemies real and perceived, and whip up fear of 'Hutu power' – the same kinds of nasty propaganda, often sexualized, used by the Kagame regime to demonize its detractors from the West even today – we only even hear about 'Hutu power' hate radio, not extremist Radio Muhabura.
Keith concludes: "No such planning or organization of genocidal intent has been proven against the Hutu government of Juvenal Habyarimana – which, in any case, was decapitated on April 6, 1994 – or against the Interim Hutu government that briefly held sway after April 6, 1994, and the judges at the ICTR have found as such. There were indeed hundreds of thousands of French-speaking Tutsis raped, brutalized and massacred in what amount to very real acts of genocide in Rwanda, and these occurred over the now sacred '100 days of genocide'. But there were also hundreds of thousands of Hutus killed, and far more Hutu than Tutsi."
Don't remind me that Keith is a genocide denier. I have already heard of that. But how about Jonathan Cook- an award winner of the Martha Gellhorn Special Prize for Journalism whose latest books include "Israel and the Clash of Civilisations: Iraq, Iran and the Plan to Remake the Middle East(Pluto Press) and Disappearing Palestine: Israel's Experiments in Human Despair (Zed Books)?
According to him, Paul Kagame, the hero of the official story of Rwanda's genocide, was almost certainly the biggest war criminal to have emerged from those horrifying events. Kagame led the Tutsis' main militia, the RPF. He almost certainly ordered the shooting down of the Rwandan president's plane, the trigger for a civil war that quickly escalated into a genocide; on the best estimates, his RPF was responsible for killing 80% of the 1 million who died inside Rwanda, making the Hutus, not the Tutsis, the chief victims; and his subsequent decision to extend the civil war into neighbouring Congo, where many Hutu civilians had fled to escape the RPF, led to the deaths of up to 5 million more.
From his own experience covering Israel-Palestine, he says: "I can guess what happened. The reporters on the ground feared straying too far from the consensus in their newsrooms. Rather than telling their editors what the story was (the model of news production most people assume to be the case), the editors were creating the framework of the story for the reporters, based on the official narrative being promoted in political and diplomatic circles. Correspondents who cared about their careers dared not challenge the party line too strongly, even when they knew it to be a lie."
Are we still in doubt at what happened?
The Hutus have pleaded innocence but world opinion refuses to believe them. May be the world is right. I don't claim to be right or wrong but rather making a rational inquiry.
In Dec. 2005, a British-based team of investigators, the Sanders Research Associates, published a report that questioned the basis for apportioning blame for the 1994 Rwandan genocide. We already discussed the Stam and Davenport report about the numbers of the dead; supported by the 1991 government census that clearly make the numbers of the Tutsi dead an impossibility.
But there is as well the Sanders report, which stated thus: "There is a stunning lack of documentary evidence of a [Habyarimana] government plan to commit genocide".
There were no orders, minutes of meetings, notes, cables, faxes, radio intercepts or any other type of documentation that such a plan ever existed. The ICTR, needless to say, confirmed this in military trials 1 and 11. In fact, the documentary evidence establishes just the opposite." (View from Rwanda: The Dallaire Genocide Fax: A Fabrication, Sanders Research Associated Ltd., December 1, 2005).
Of paramount importance is not only the fact that this story is being revisited but the fact that its export base is declining, as we saw last week in Addis Abbeba. But how about for the sake of historical clarity for the sake of a genuine co-existence between Rwanda's bi-polar divide? Unless the right questions are asked, the past is blurred and the future is constructed on lies. It's nigh that right questions should be asked at 10 Downing Street and the Pentagon. Till then!
Didas Gasana



Envoyé depuis mon appareil Samsung


__._,_.___

Posted by: Alfred Nganzo <alfrednganzo@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

-----------------------------------------------------------
Post message:  AfricaRealities@yahoogroups.com
Subscribe: AfricaRealities-subscribe@yahoogroups.com
Unsubscribe: AfricaRealities-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
List owner: AfricaRealities-owner@yahoogroups.com
__________________________________________________________________

Please consider the environment before printing this email or any attachments.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-http://www.africarealities.com/
-https://www.facebook.com/africarealities
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Find  Friends in Africa:
http://www.datinginafrica.com/

.

__,_._,___

[AfricaRealities.com] Fw: *DHR* Burundi: rebels say trained by Rwandan military (U.N. experts)

 



On Thursday, 4 February 2016, 7:08, "agnesmurebwayire@yahoo.fr [Democracy_Human_Rights]" <Democracy_Human_Rights@yahoogroupes.fr> wrote:


 
Michelle Nichols & Louis Charbonneau - reuters.com, February 3, 2016

A confidential report to the United Nations Security Council accuses Rwanda of recruiting and training Burundian refugees with the goal of ousting Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza.

The report by experts who monitor sanctions on Democratic Republic of Congo, which was seen by Reuters on Wednesday, contained the strongest testimony yet that Rwanda is meddling in Burundi affairs and comes amid fears that worsening political violence could escalate into mass atrocities.
The report cites accounts from several rebel fighters, who told the sanctions monitors the training was done in a forest camp in Rwanda. 

Nkurunziza's re-election for a third term last year sparked the country's crisis and raised concerns that there could be a bloody ethnic conflict in a region where memories of Rwanda's 1994 genocide are still fresh.
The experts said in the report that they had spoken with 18 Burundian combatants in eastern Congo's South Kivu province. 

"They all told the group that they had been recruited in the Mahama Refugee Camp in eastern Rwanda in May and June 2015 and were given two months of military training by instructors, who included Rwandan military personnel," according to the report.

The Burundian combatants, which included six children, told the U.N. experts they were trained in military tactics, use of assault rifles and machine guns, grenades, anti-personnel and anti-tank mines, mortars and rocket-propelled grenades. 
They said there were at least four companies of 100 recruits each being trained in a forest camp while they were there.

"They were transported around Rwanda in the back of military trucks, often with Rwandan military escort," the U.N. experts wrote. "They reported that their ultimate goal was to remove Burundian President Pierre Nkurunziza from power." 
Burundi and Rwanda have the same ethnic mix, about 85 percent Hutus and 15 percent Tutsis. A 12-year civil war in Burundi, which ended in 2005, pitted a Tutsi-led army against Hutu rebel groups.

Rwandan U.N. Ambassador Eugene Gasana dismissed the accusations against Kigali contained in the report and told Reuters, "This further undermines the credibility of the Group of Experts, which seems to have extended its own mandate, but apparently investigating Burundi." 

The U.N. report did not say why the Burundian fighters had crossed into Congo. But Russia's Deputy U.N. Ambassador Petr Iliichev said last month that there had been reports of Burundian rebels trying to recruit more fighters in Congo.

"The Burundian combatants showed the group fake DRC identification cards that had been produced for them in Rwanda, so they could avoid suspicion while in the DRC," the report said.

Burundi accused Rwanda in December of supporting a rebel group that was recruiting Burundian refugees on Rwandan soil, but Rwandan President Paul Kagame dismissed the allegations as "childish."

The accusations by Burundi were prompted by the charity Refugees International, which said in a December report it was "deeply concerned" by claims of Burundian refugees in Rwanda that they were being recruited by "non-state armed groups". 

The U.N. Security Council traveled to Burundi in late January, its second visit to the country in less than 10 months. The United Nations has estimated the death toll at 439 people but has said it could be higher. More than 240,000 people have fled abroad and the country's economy is in crisis.

U.S. Ambassador to the United Nations Samantha Power said during the visit to Burundi that the 15-member council had expressed concern about the allegations of external interference.






__._,_.___

Posted by: Alfred Nganzo <alfrednganzo@yahoo.com>
Reply via web post Reply to sender Reply to group Start a New Topic Messages in this topic (1)
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.
I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.
The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.
When the white man came we had the land and they had the bibles; now they have the land and we have the bibles.
----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The Voice of the Poor, the Weak and Powerless.

-----------------------------------------------------------
Post message:  AfricaRealities@yahoogroups.com
Subscribe: AfricaRealities-subscribe@yahoogroups.com
Unsubscribe: AfricaRealities-unsubscribe@yahoogroups.com
List owner: AfricaRealities-owner@yahoogroups.com
__________________________________________________________________

Please consider the environment before printing this email or any attachments.
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
-http://www.africarealities.com/
-https://www.facebook.com/africarealities
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Find  Friends in Africa:
http://www.datinginafrica.com/

.

__,_._,___

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

The principal key root causes that lead to the Rwandan genocide of 1994 that affected all Rwandan ethnic groups were:

1)The majority Hutu community’s fear of the return of the discriminatory monarchy system that was practiced by the minority Tutsi community against the enslaved majority Hutu community for about 500 years

2)The Hutu community’s fear of Kagame’s guerrilla that committed massacres in the North of the country and other parts of the countries including assassinations of Rwandan politicians.

3) The Rwandan people felt abandoned by the international community ( who was believed to support Kagame’s guerrilla) and then decided to defend themselves with whatever means they had against the advance of Kagame’ guerrilla supported by Ugandan, Tanzanian and Ethiopian armies and other Western powers.

-“The enemies of Freedom do not argue ; they shout and they shoot.”

-“The hate of men will pass, and dictators die, and the power they took from the people will return to the people. And so long as men die, liberty will never perish.”

-“The price good men pay for indifference to public affairs is to be ruled by evil men.”

-“I have loved justice and hated iniquity: therefore I die in exile.”

READ MORE RECENT NEWS AND OPINIONS

SUMMARY : THE TRAGIC CONSEQUENCES OF THE BRITISH BUDGET SUPPORT AND GEO-STRATEGIC AMBITIONS

United Kingdom's Proxy Wars in Africa: The Case of Rwanda and DR Congo:

The Rwandan genocide and 6,000,000 Congolese and Hutu refugees killed are the culminating point of a long UK’s battle to expand their influence to the African Great Lakes Region. UK supported Kagame’s guerrilla war by providing military support and money. The UK refused to intervene in Rwanda during the genocide to allow Kagame to take power by military means that triggered the genocide. Kagame’s fighters and their families were on the Ugandan payroll paid by UK budget support.


· 4 Heads of State assassinated in the francophone African Great Lakes Region.
· 2,000,000 people died in Hutu and Tutsi genocides in Rwanda, Burundi and RD.Congo.
· 600,000 Hutu refugees killed in R.D.Congo, Uganda, Central African Republic and Rep of Congo.
· 6,000,000 Congolese dead.
· 8,000,000 internal displaced people in Rwanda, Burundi and DR. Congo.
· 500,000 permanent Rwandan and Burundian Hutu refugees, and Congolese refugees around the world.
· English language expansion to Rwanda to replace the French language.
· 20,000 Kagame’s fighters paid salaries from the British Budget Support from 1986 to present.
· £500,000 of British taxpayer’s money paid, so far, to Kagame and his cronies through the budget support, SWAPs, Tutsi-dominated parliament, consultancy, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs.
· Kagame has paid back the British aid received to invade Rwanda and to strengthen his political power by joining the East African Community together with Burundi, joining the Commonwealth, imposing the English Language to Rwandans to replace the French language; helping the British to establish businesses and to access to jobs in Rwanda, and to exploit minerals in D.R.Congo.



Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres

Thousands of Hutu murdered by Kagame inside Rwanda, e.g. Kibeho massacres
Kagame killed 200,000 Hutus from all regions of the country, the elderly and children who were left by their relatives, the disabled were burned alive. Other thousands of people were killed in several camps of displaced persons including Kibeho camp. All these war crimes remain unpunished.The British news reporters were accompanying Kagame’s fighters on day-by-day basis and witnessed these massacres, but they never reported on this.

Migration Policy Institute

Recruitment International - Active Jobs RSS Feed

Download Documents from Amnesty International

25,000 Hutu bodies floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.

25,000  Hutu bodies  floated down River Akagera into Lake Victoria in Uganda.
The British irrational, extremist, partisan,biased, one-sided media and politicians have disregarded Kagame war crimes e.g. the Kibeho camp massacres, massacres of innocents Hutu refugees in DR. Congo. The British media have been supporting Kagame since he invaded Rwanda by organising the propaganda against the French over the Rwandan genocide, suppressing the truth about the genocide and promoting the impunity of Kagame and his cronies in the African Great Lakes Region. For the British, Rwanda does not need democracy, Rwanda is the African Israel; and Kagame and his guerilla fighters are heroes.The extremist British news reporters including Fergal Keane, Chris Simpson, Chris McGreal, Mark Doyle, etc. continue to hate the Hutus communities and to polarise the Rwandan society.

Jobs4Development.com Customised Jobs Feed

Kagame political ambitions triggered the genocide.

Kagame  political  ambitions triggered the genocide.
Kagame’s guerrilla war was aimed at accessing to power at any cost. He rejected all attempts and advice that could stop his military adventures including the cease-fire, political negotiations and cohabitation, and UN peacekeeping interventions. He ignored all warnings that could have helped him to manage the war without tragic consequences. Either you supported Kagame’ s wars and you are now his friend, or you were against his wars and you are his enemy. Therefore, Kagame as the Rwandan strong man now, you have to apologise to him for having been against his war and condemned his war crimes, or accept to be labelled as having been involved in the genocide. All key Kagame’s fighters who committed war crimes and crimes against humanity are the ones who hold key positions in Rwandan army and government for the last 15 years. They continue to be supported and advised by the British including Tony Blair, Andrew Mitchell MP, and the British army senior officials.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.

Aid that kills: The British Budget Support  financed Museveni and Kagame’s wars in Rwanda and DRC.
Genocide propaganda and fabrications are used by the so-called British scholars, news reporters and investigative journalists to promote their CVs and to get income out of the genocide through the selling of their books, providing testimonies against the French, access to consultancy contracts from the UN and Kagame, and participation in conferences and lectures in Rwanda, UK and internationally about genocide. Genocide propaganda has become a lucrative business for Kagame and the British. Anyone who condemned or did not support Kagame’s war is now in jail in Rwanda under the gacaca courts system suuported by British tax payer's money, or his/she is on arrest warrant if he/she managed to flee the Kagame’s regime. Others have fled the country and are still fleeing now. Many others Rwandans are being persecuted in their own country. Kagame is waiting indefinitely for the apologies from other players who warn him or who wanted to help to ensure that political negotiations take place between Kagame and the former government he was fighting against. Britain continues to supply foreign aid to Kagame and his cronies with media reports highlighting economic successes of Rwanda. Such reports are flawed and are aimed at misleading the British public to justify the use of British taxpayers’ money. Kagame and his cronies continue to milk British taxpayers’ money under the British budget support. This started from 1986 through the British budget support to Uganda until now.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the Rwandan genocide.

Dictator Kagame: No remorse for his unwise actions and ambitions that led to the  Rwandan genocide.
No apologies yet to the Rwandan people. The assassination of President Juvenal Habyarimana by Kagame was the only gateway for Kagame to access power in Rwanda. The British media, politicians, and the so-called British scholars took the role of obstructing the search for the truth and justice; and of denying this assassination on behalf of General Kagame. General Paul Kagame has been obliging the whole world to apologise for his mistakes and war crimes. The UK’s way to apologise has been pumping massive aid into Rwanda's crony government and parliement; and supporting Kagame though media campaigns.

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame

Fanatical, partisan, suspicious, childish and fawning relations between UK and Kagame
Kagame receives the British massive aid through the budget support, British excessive consultancy, sector wide programmes, the Tutsi-dominated parliament, British and Tutsi-owned NGOs; for political, economic and English language expansion to Rwanda. The British aid to Rwanda is not for all Rwandans. It is for Kagame himself and his Tutsi cronies.

Paul Kagame' actvities as former rebel

Africa

UN News Centre - Africa

Rwanda

The Africa Report - Latest

IRIN - Great Lakes

Democratic Republic of Congo

Africa at LSE

Loading...

This blog reports the crimes that remain unpunished and the impunity that has generated a continuous cycle of massacres in many parts of Africa. In many cases, the perpetrators of the crimes seem to have acted in the knowledge that they would not be held to account for their actions.

The need to fight this impunity has become even clearer with the massacres and genocide in many parts of Africa and beyond.

The blog also addresses issues such as Rwanda War Crimes, Rwandan Refugee massacres in Dr Congo, genocide, African leaders’ war crimes and crimes against humanity, Africa war criminals, Africa crimes against humanity, Africa Justice.

Venerating Kagame: The UK celebrate the expansion of their influence to Rwanda

Venerating Kagame: The UK celebrate the expansion of their influence to Rwanda
As planned by Kagame before he took power, all French related institutions (businesses,NGOs, schools, RFI, cultural centres) are banned and expelled from Rwanda and replaced by the British ones.The French language is banned in education, administration and businesses, and is replaced by the English language. All public and private institutions have been renamed in English. The French language has been removed from the National ID cards. Rwanda unilaterally left the Communauté économiqe des états de l'Afrique centrale to join the East African Community controlled by the UK. Next: full and unconditional admission to Commonwealth.
-The British relentless and long running battle to become the sole player and gain new grounds of influence in the francophone African Great Lakes Region has led to the expulsion of other traditional players from the region, or strained diplomatic relations between the countries of the region and their traditional friends. These new tensions are even encouraged by the British using a variety of political and economic manoeuvres.

-General Kagame has been echoing the British advice that Rwanda does not need any loan or aid from Rwandan traditional development partners, meaning that British aid is enough to solve all Rwandan problems.

-The British obsession for the English Language expansion has become a tyranny that has led to genocide, war crimes and crimes against humanity, dictatorial regimes, human rights violations, mass killings, destruction of families, communities and cultures, permanent refugees and displaced persons in the African Great Lakes region.


- Rwanda, a country that is run by a corrupt clique of minority-tutsi is governed with institutional discrmination, human rights violations, dictatorship, authoritarianism and autocracy, as everybody would expect.

Loading...

Paying wages to Kagame’s guerrilla fighters from Ugandan and British taxpayer’s money.

Paying wages to Kagame’s guerrilla fighters from Ugandan and British taxpayer’s money.
General Paul Kagame was the Chief of Military Intelligence of the Ugandan National Resistance Army, which is funded by the UK government. Kagame had all necessary resources to plan his invasion to Rwanda, with the support by Ugandan army and paid mercenaries from Uganda, Rwanda, Burundi, Tanzania, Soudan, Ethiopia to fight against the former Rwandan small army. As a refugee ( as he claimed to be), Kagame was travelling around the world to prepare his war against Rwanda, a peaceful country. His multiple foreign trips on different Ugandan diplomatic passports with different names were used to transfer the money in his multiple foreign accounts on different names to purchase weapons and to get the support from the UK and other western sponsors. These trips were funded by the UK's aid aimed at to tackling poverty in Uganda. Kagame and his 20,000 fighters were paid as regular civil servants or soldiers through the UK's aid and Uganda taxpayer’s money since 1986 to 1998. Most Kagame's fighters were still on the Uganda payroll until 2000. After the war, hundreds of Kagame's fighters were sent to the UK to apply for refugee status. During the war, the former Rwandan government could not afford to purchase weapons because of having been restricted to do so by IMF and the World Bank under the Rwanda Structural Adjustment Programme. Furthermore, the UN Security Council imposed the former Rwandan Government an army embargo that weakened their position to fight the war while Kagame was receiving arms and ammunitions from the UK arms dealers and from the Ugandan army funded by the UK aid.

Rwanda has become a new British colony replacing the Belgians.

Rwanda has become a new British colony replacing the Belgians.
Despite human rights violations, a quasi-apartheid system of discrimination against the majority Hutu communities (86%), Hutu landlord's rights violations, lack of democracy and freedom of expression and association, denial of rights to independent legal representation, denial of hutus’ human rights to mourning and descent burial of their dead in the genocide ,political repression, obstruction of justice; Rwanda will be admitted in the Commonwealth soon. For example, it is impossible for anyone who speaks French to get a job in Rwanda.

The British support Museveni and Kagame’ wars to create the East Africa Federation.

The British  support Museveni  and Kagame’ wars to create the East Africa Federation.
The UK, Museveni and Kagame ‘s plans are to create and to consolidate the East African political federation, a regional super state whose first President will be Museveni. The francophone countries, Rwanda and Burundi, forcibly joined the East African Community which has adopted English as the only official language. Museveni and UK’s failed ambitions aimed creating a regional Anglophone bloc composed of Uganda, Burundi, Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda, Ethiopia, R.D.Congo and Sudan.Museveni and the British have no remorse for the lives lost in the African Great Lakes Region.Kagame has been trying to impose the English language to other countries of the region through various political and economic tactics.